May 2021 Archives

Stage for the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission's cancelled "Remember & Rise" commemorative event, set up in the middle of ONEOK Field. May 28, 2021. Copyright 2021 Michael D. Bates. All rights reserved.

Omar Villafranca of CBS News reports this morning that the cancellation of Monday's "Remember and Rise" concert, organized by the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission, was due to demands made by lawyers representing the three living survivors and descendants of departed survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre:

CBS News has learned the event was canceled after a lawyer representing survivors and their heirs made demands that the organizing commission considered unreasonable.

A commission source showed CBS News an e-mail listing demands that was sent by the lawyer Sunday.

It includes $1 million each for survivors of the massacre and a non-negotiable $50 million pledge to a fund for survivors and descendants.

(National Geographic magazine estimates that the attack on Greenwood destroyed property that, had it accrued to the present day, would be worth approximately $600 million dollars, according to a statement made by historian Scott Ellsworth during his presentation yesterday at the John Hope Franklin Symposium.)

The source told CBS News the commission and lawyer had already agreed on financial terms, but the new demands couldn't be met, at least in time for Monday's commemoration.

The lawyer claimed to CBS News that the commission hasn't been negotiating in good faith for months, and he maintained that the survivors never agreed to participate in the event.

The story is also available on the KOTV News on 6 website.

Last night, when the cancellation was announced, the News on 6, Tulsa's CBS affiliate, reported, "News On 6 had a number of sources reach out citing specific reasons why the Remember & Rise event was canceled, but at this time, we have not been able to get anyone on the record."

That initial story quoted the Commission's news release: "due to unexpected circumstances with entertainers and speakers, the Centennial Commission is unable to fulfill our high expectations for Monday afternoon's commemoration event and has determined not to move forward with the event at this time." My suspicion was that Stacey Abrams and John Legend were made aware of the strife between the Commission and the community and were concerned about damage to their reputations if they participated in an event that was disavowed by massacre survivors and descendants. The statement could also be read as indicating that the Commission was unable to secure the participation of the survivors and did not want to go forward without it. There is also the unspoken threat of embarrassing protests. Dissenting members of the community had already set up a rival series of events, the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival, which will include nationally known politicians and entertainers.

Greenwood Rising Black Wall Street History Center, a $20 million project of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission. The building looks like the sort of thing a small-town bank with more budget than taste would have built in the 1960s, after knocking down their 1890s Romanesque Revival edifice. Copyright 2021 Michael D. Bates. All rights reserved.

UPDATE 11:30pm, 2021/05/28:

Below is the email from survivors' attorney Damario Solomon-Simmons to the Centennial Commission, obtained by News on 6. The email appears to have been written on Sunday, May 23, 2021, and refers to a meeting on Saturday, May 22, 2021.

The email mentions an article in the May 22 Enid News, reported by Janelle Stecklein, chief of the CNHI Oklahoma Capitol Bureau, which included the following statements from State Sen. Kevin Matthews, chairman of the Centennial Commission, commenting on the demand from the survivors for some of the money raised by the Commission to tell the 1921 story to help make whole those who lost everything in 1921.

However, Matthews said the plaintiffs don't have a right to the $30 million raised to construct the history center because the money was donated expressly to build it.

"The first goal is to tell the story, transparently," Matthews said. "That's the foundation of reparations."

He said that during the past 100 years there have been books, movies and documentaries about the massacre. Survivors haven't sought those profits, but now the efforts of local Tulsa residents trying to tell the story are being attacked.

"I will say that I am not angry about those accusations," Matthews said. "I think that they come from an honest place. Unfortunately when you have a community that is starved of resources and attention for so many years, these types of things happen rather than ... having meaningful discussions instead of pointing and blaming. And, unfortunately that happens in traumatized communities, families and relationships."

Matthews said one of the center's donors has independently agreed to pay the three survivors salaries and assist with their health care costs during the remainder of their lives.

But he said the survivors didn't mention that assistance during their congressional testimonies calling for reparations.

With that in mind, here is the letter from Solomon-Simmons:

Good evening Everyone,

First thank you for your time yesterday. Please know that we thought the meeting was productive. leaving the meeting we were cautiously optimistic that an agreement could be reached which would allow us to have a more unified Centennial commemoration. However, finding out today that Sen. Kevin Matthews, Chair of the Centennial
Commission, attacked the credibility and integrity of our survivors has set-us back some.

As a result, this is where we are and/or what we need in order to come to an agreement at this point:

1. $1M per survivor. We believe you understand this is a priority for us. We believe you understand there is a great sense of urgency. We understood that you are going to visit with the Commission/TCF/Funders to ascertain how much you can commit to providing to the survivors before May 31st 2021.

2. $50M pledge to our Survivor and Descendant fund.

a. After debriefing with our advisors, we have decided we will not agree with any other entity housing our fund.

This is non-negotiable. It is important to us and our community that our fund be housed at a Black bank.

b. As I explained during our meeting we have been working with our corporate counsel, Schulte, Roth, and Zable (including William Zable), and our mentor Bryan Stevenson of the Equal Justice Initiative to develop our fund. With Bryan's counsel we have identified 6 Black banks that we are currently in discussions with about the possibility of holding our fund.

c. With the help of our national partners, we plan to announce our fund at our May 31st, 2021 nationally streamed Survivor and Descendant Town Hall with an initial fund raising goal of $100M.

d. We request that the Commission/TCF/Funders pledge to raise $50M for our fund. If you agree to this, we would like for you to specify a date you plan to have this amount raised by.

3. Allot 33% of Greenwood Rising revenue to directly benefit survivors and descendants and the North Tulsa community. We understand you believe this ask is high. However, we understand you will visit with the Commission/TCF/Funder to ascertain what type of revenue split would be acceptable to you. We also understand that you would agree to make a public announcement to work towards establishing a TIF district for the Historical
Greenwood community that would directly and specifically benefit North Tulsa.

4. Greenwood Rising board make-up. We understand that you are going to ascertain whether the Commission/TCF/Funders will agree to expand the board by 6 to 15 and allow us to select those 6 new members.

5. Public Support of lawsuit. We understand that you will visit with the Commission/TCF/Funders to ascertain whether you all will publicly support our litigation and efforts to hold the perpetrators of the Massacre and its aftermath accountable.

6. Public apology from Commission Chairman Sen. Matthews for Attacking Survivors.

a. Sen. Matthews must immediately and publicly apologize for his inaccurate portrayal of the survivors, his misrepresentation of the proposed gift from GKFF, and our campaign for justice and reparations in the media. https://www.enidnews.com/news/last-tulsa-race-massacre-survivors-push-for-reparations/article_cf550c14-ba7c-11eb-b273-872233bcb49b.html.

b. GKFF and I agreed that any gift would be strictly anonymous to ensure the gift would not impede our larger reparations campaign. In fact, the grant agreement specifically states the grant would be "anonymous and not be announced in an way publicly or privately." Obviously, this confidential agreement was breached, and the proposed gift
is now being used to try to put the survivors in a false light to lessen their credibility and undermine our overall reparations fight. As a result, we will decline the grant.

c. Sen. Matthews needs to clearly state that no Commission donor has given any funds to Justice For Greenwood or the Survivors. Despite what Sen. Matthews and others have falsely stated, there was never an agreement to provide for the survivors "for the rest of their life" or "all of their medical needs." Sen. Matthews' public apology and clarification must occur by the end of business tomorrow Monday May 24, 2021.

7. Rise and Remember Event. If we can get to an agreement on the above, we would also want to help shape the program of the Rise and Remember event at ONEOK Field occurring on May 31, 2021. We want an opportunity to speak and honor the survivors and our work.

In regard to timing because our events begin Thursday May 27th 2021, and our schedules will be completely swamped from then on, we believe that we need to have an agreement on the above points by Wednesday May 26th 2021. As a result, we believe we should schedule our next meeting for tomorrow afternoon Monday, May 24th 2021. We are available between 3-5pm.

Please let us know what time will work for you. Dr. Crutcher will be in Dallas for a speech, so a Zoom call is preferable. Lastly, we request that until and unless we can get to an agreement please remove any refe[re]nce of survivors participating in any Commission events from your website.

Thank you.

Damario Solomon-Simmons, Esq., M.Ed.
Managing Partner
SolomonSimmonsLaw

In a brief press availability today, Matthews took no questions, but, according to News on 6, he stated that "they had been approached by legal representation of the three living survivors and said they had agreed to $100,000 per survivor, along with $2 million in seed money for a reparations fund. He said they had raised the money."

Michael Mason of the Center for Public Secrets posted late this afternoon on Facebook:

According to an unnamed source, Abrams and Legend backed out because the Commission would not bend to the survivor's demands.

This evening I walked through the Greenwood District and past ONEOK Field, still set up for Remember and Rise -- a massive stage in the outfield, seats in the infield, generators on the outfield concourse. Workers appeared to be packing stage equipment into cases. It seems a shame that, after all the preparation, with seats and a stage in place, nothing will happen there on Monday evening.

1915 Sanborn map showing the commercial section of Tulsa's Greenwood district a few years before its first destruction

To journalists, photographers, and visitors, pilgrims this week of the centennial of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre: Welcome to Tulsa. Some context may help you interpret what you see and hear this week.

The cultural foundation for violent mob action on May 31 and June 1, 1921 was laid over the previous four years by Tulsa's respectable government, media, and business leaders, who openly encouraged mob violence against labor union organizers and other undesirables during the World War and afterwards. In the Tulsa Outrage, November 7, 1917, masked vigilantes whipped, tarred, and feathered 17 men connected with the International Workers of the World, an event that the front page of the Tulsa World cheered with the headline "Modern Ku Klux Klan Comes into Being." The Center for Public Secrets is featuring a series of articles by historian Randy Hopkins, "The Trail of Atrocity." There's an exhibit at the Center's space at 573 S. Peoria, Architects of the Massacre, open daily from 11 a.m. to 8 p.m. through Thursday, May 27, 2021. The exhibit illustrates the powerful Tulsans who set the tone for the 1921 pogrom and its roots in the extra-legal Councils of Defense established by Oklahoma governor Robert Lee Williams to suppress dissent after the U. S. entered World War I. Randy Hopkins spoke on this topic last night; tonight, Tuesday, May 25, from 6 p.m. to 8 p.m., Hopkins will speak again along with Chief Egunwale Asuman on "The Mask of Atonement: Tulsa's False Promise of Reparations."

Within a year of the 1921 massacre, Tulsa's African-American community rebuilt Greenwood, having first defeated in court an attempt by city officials to use zoning to block survivors from rebuilding on their own land, forcing the community further north. Survivors of the massacre called the rebuilt Greenwood greater than what had gone before. But Greenwood was destroyed a second time by city government, using federal highway and urban renewal money, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, driving an expressway through the district's very heart, and following up with the Model Cities urban renewal program that left only a single block of retail buildings and a handful of churches. City officials finally succeeded in driving Tulsa's African-Americans further away from downtown; displaced families were encouraged to relocate to cheaply built post-war subdivisions in far north Tulsa, neighborhoods that had been utterly white at the 1960 census.

1939 Sanborn map showing the commercial section of Tulsa's Greenwood district, an area known as Deep Greenwood, after its rebuilding

BatesLine has presented over a dozen stories on the history of Tulsa's Greenwood district, focusing on the overlooked history of the African-American city-within-a-city from its rebuilding following the 1921 massacre, the peak years of the '40s and '50s, and its second destruction by government through "urban renewal" and expressway construction. The linked article provides an overview, my 2009 Ignite Tulsa talk, and links to more detailed articles, photos, films, and resources, including the Solomon Sir Jones films, home movies that documented Greenwood and other black Oklahoma communities in the mid to late 1920s.

1951 aerial photo showing the commercial section of Greenwood ("Deep Greenwood") and the present-day path of I-244.

Carlos Moreno has written a series of feature stories, The Victory of Greenwood, on the men and women who built and rebuilt the community: John and Loula Williams, O. W. Gurley, A. J. Smitherman, Mabel Little, Ellis Walker Woods, to name a few. A book of the same title will be released on June 2.

You might notice that, up the hill and west of Martin Luther King, Junior, Boulevard (formerly Cincinnati Avenue), along John Hope Franklin Blvd (formerly Haskell Street) and nearby streets, there are empty blocks of land, with old brick foundations and concrete steps where homes used to be. These are not race massacre ruins. The homes you see, in a neighborhood that was untouched by the 1921 disaster, were acquired and cleared in the 1990s and 2000s by the city's urban renewal authority as part of the city's promise to provide 200 acres for a state university campus. About 80 acres of that land, now filled mainly with surface parking lots and a few academic buildings, came from the Greenwood urban renewal area; the rest came from west of MLKJr Blvd. I wrote a feature story, "Steps to Nowhere," for This Land Press, in 2014, about the history of this neighborhood, which was never part of Greenwood; that link will also lead you to photos and other articles about the neighborhood's history.

Photo copyright 2014, Michael D. Bates. 116 E. Fairview St., Tulsa. These are urban renewal ruins from the 1990s, not race massacre ruins from 1921.

The centennial commemorations have exposed divisions within Tulsa as a whole and even within the African-American community, with separate organizations sponsoring separate events.

The Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission is not an official body of state or local government, but it has become as unofficially official as possible, with elected officials appointed to its board, and the support of the City of Tulsa, the George Kaiser Family Foundation and other foundations, and the Tulsa Regional Chamber. This is the group sponsoring the new $20 million Greenwood Rising tourist attraction on the southeast corner of Greenwood and Archer; the group sponsoring the sold-out Remember and Rise event at the baseball stadium, headlined by Georgia politician Stacey Abrams and singer John Legend.

Many black Tulsans feel excluded and alienated by the Centennial Commission's plans. Former City Councilor Joe Williams seemed to speak for many people when he wrote:

This Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission and so-called remembrance of the destruction of Greenwood and slaughter of the several hundred innocent victims and celebration of Black Wall-Street is one entirely big joke. Most of US can't even get tickets to the main event including the Survivors and their Descendants because they were already saved up and reserved for the elite and other people from the outside. The power brokers and system are just trying to make it appear to the nation and world like we are all cumbaya and all good together here in T-town. They don't care at all about US or OUR community and the disrespect is intolerable. The day after May 31st our treatment will be back to the usual same-o-same-o status quo. They are pushing FAKE NEWS!

From a recent Human Rights Watch article on Tulsa:

Rather than working on such a plan [for reparations to survivors and descendants], city and state authorities have focused most of their efforts on creating the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission and its flagship project, the "Greenwood Rising" history center, which is meant to honor the victims and foster cultural tourism. The Centennial Commission has raised at least $30 million, $20 million of which went to build Greenwood Rising, but it has alienated massacre survivors and many descendants of victims by failing to adequately involve them in its planning....

At least one survivor, 106-year-old Lennie Benningfield Randle, has issued a cease-and-desist letter ordering the commission to stop using her name or likeness to promote the project. All three living massacre survivors have sued the city of Tulsa, accusing it of continuing to enrich itself at the expense of the Black community by "appropriating" the massacre for tourism and economic opportunities that primarily benefit white-owned or controlled businesses and organizations....

The three living survivors of the massacre have said they do not plan to participate in any of the Centennial Commission's commemoration events. They will instead headline a community-sponsored event called the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival, which is the only centennial commemoration that includes and centers the survivors. They will be joined by US Senator Cory Booker, US Representative Sheila Jackson Lee, and the creators of the HBO hit series "Watchmen," which was situated in Tulsa and depicted the race massacre in its opening scene. Unlike the Centennial Commission's events, the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival will emphasize the Black Tulsa community's demand for reparations.

The three survivors, Lessie E. Benningfield Randle, Viola Fletcher, and Hughes Van Ellis, Sr., along with Vernon A. M. E. Church, and descendants of survivors who have passed on, have sued the City of Tulsa, Tulsa Regional Chamber, Tulsa Development Authority, Tulsa Metropolitan Area Planning Commission, Tulsa County Commission, the Sheriff of Tulsa County, and the Oklahoma Military Department in district court under public nuisance and unjust enrichment law. From the complaint:

The problem is not that the Defendants want to increase the attraction to Tulsa, it is that they are doing so on the backs of those they destroyed, without ensuring that the community and descendants of those subjected to the nuisance they created are significantly represented in the decision-making group and are direct beneficiaries of these efforts.

I note that page 47 of the complaint uses a graphic I created for my initial column on the "Greenwood Gap Theory" in the June 13, 2007, edition of Urban Tulsa Weekly. The graphic (shown earlier in this article) is a section of a 1951 aerial photo, overlaid with names of streets, landmarks, and railroads, along with the present-day path of I-244, a path that was cleared in 1967.

(Unfortunately, the complaint also misuses, on page 52, a graphic from my 2014 This Land Press story about the lost Near Northside, a photo of steps on the south side of Fairview Street between Boston and Cincinnati Avenues (now MLKJr Blvd), from which the BOK Tower in the background had been digitally erased. As detailed in the article, based on land records, street directories, fire maps, and aerial photographs, this neighborhood was a white neighborhood in 1921, was not damaged in the massacre, and survived until the City of Tulsa's urban renewal authority acquired the land in the 1990s.)

In addition to the Centennial Commission and the John Hope Franklin Center for Reconciliation is hosting its annual symposium May 26-29, with a keynote speech by Prof. Cornel West, and many other talks and panel discussions.

The Greenwood Cultural Center, located just north of I-244, is offering tours of the Mabel Little House (a house that was relocated from further north on Greenwood and rescued from urban removal), a special exhibit of the Kinsey African American Art & History Collection, a Sunday, May 30, "Brunch with the Stars," featuring Alfre Woodard, Tim Blake Nelson, Garth Brooks, Wes Studi, and Stanley Nelson, a June 2 panel discussion on the "Bitter Root" Comic Series, the Greenwood Film Festival, June 12 - 14, and a virtual reality film, The Greenwood Avenue Experience, June 15-17.

There is also conflict within the African-American community over the significance of the last remaining block of 1922 Greenwood that survived urban renewal. Small business owners there, mostly African-American, regard it as primarily a place of business, as it was before and after 1921. Other members of the community seem to see it primarily as a sacred space of remembrance. The Greenwood Chamber of Commerce, representing the building owners and businesses, publicly opposed the application by the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival to close Greenwood Avenue and were condemned by many for evicting a small business early this year for non-payment of rent. Business owners had mixed feelings about the Black Lives Matter mural that was painted on the street in front of their shops during the protests of last summer, with some feeling that it distracted from the story of 1921.

The Greenwood Chamber of Commerce is hosting its own event, the Greenwood Centennial Marketplace Showcase, May 28-30, which will include live music, food trucks, an art gallery, and a welcome center at 101 N. Greenwood, on the northeast corner of Greenwood and Archer.

The Black Wall Street Alliance is hosting the Faces of Greenwood Timeline Experience at the Black Wall Street Alliance Art Hall, 100 N. Greenwood (northwest corner of Greenwood and Archer), Saturdays and Sundays, 11 a.m. - 4 p.m., through July 17th.

The Black Panther Movement is sponsoring a National Black Power Convention, May 28-30, featuring a Second Amendment Armed Mass March for Self-Defense on Saturday, May 29, at 4 p.m.

Enjoy your visit. Mourn and celebrate. Learn the history in all of its complexity, a history that didn't stop in 1921.

Sincerely,

Michael Bates

P. S. Members of the community have expressed a desire to add their own messages to this open letter to visitors to Tulsa -- watch this space for those in the coming days.

Saint Francis Health System is revoking full parental access to the medical records of teenage minors (ages 13-17), as of June 15, 2021, according to a notice sent to parents this week.

On Wednesday, May 19, 2021, I received the following message in MyChart, the web portal to the online medical records system used by Saint Francis Health System and many other hospital networks across the country. The message was from "MyChart System Administrator" and at the end of the message was the notice, "You cannot reply to this message."

Thank you for using MyChart to manage your child's medical care. You currently have proxy access to view your child's MyChart account. On June 15, 2021, current proxy access for minors ages 13 to 17 will automatically transition from full access to limited access. Your teen may choose to give you full access after they activate their MyChart account ("MyChart Teen Account").

Supporting Your Teen and Their Health Privacy

We encourage parents and guardians to discuss all healthcare conditions and questions with your teen. We also encourage you to partner with your teen and provide the guidance and autonomy necessary to teach your teen how to manage their own health into adulthood.

Why is this change being made?

Oklahoma law allow minors to consent to certain treatment and, in some circumstances, control related health information.

How does my teen request their own MyChart Teen Account?

Teens aged 13 to 17 can request their own MyChart Teen Account using their personal email address. THEY SHOULD NOT USE A SCHOOL EMAIL ACCOUNT. Saint Francis Health System patients can request activation online at www.saintfrancis.com/mychart, or during a visit to their Warren Clinic provider's office. OSU medicine patients can activate their MyChart account at their next clinic visit or by calling their primary care provider office.

What happens when a MyChart Teen Account is activated?

Once the MyChart Teen Account is activated, the teen can choose the parent's level of proxy access to the MyChart Teen Account. The options include:

• Full Access — Parent or guardian has full access to manage their teen's healthcare through MyChart.
• Restricted Access — Parent or guardian has access to the following functions in MyChart:
• request regular and e-visit appointments for the teen;
• request refills;
• review and print allergy and immunization information;
• message the teen's care team; and
• view and pay bills associated with the teen's account.
• Access Revoked — Parent or guardian has no access to the MyChart Teen Account.

What capabilities will my teenager have in a MyChart Teen Account?

They will be able to view test results, send a message their healthcare provider and schedule office visits. They will not have the ability to request prescription refills, schedule a virtual visit, or use telehealth functions.

Will I be able to access Private Messages in the MyChart Teen account?

If your teen provides you with proxy access to their MyChart Teen Account, you will be able to continue to see messages and replies between the teen and their care team. However, your teen can make messages and replies confidential by unselecting those with proxy access each time they start a new message.

Who should I contact if I have questions?

Parents and/guardians should contact their teen's primary care provider office for questions or additional information.

There is no contact information online for the Saint Francis Health System corporate office. The phone number for the legal department is 918-494-2483. I called and no one answered; I left a voicemail asking for a call back with an answer to the question, "What is the Oklahoma statutory provision behind this change?" I encourage other parents to do likewise. I have heard that St. Francis staff received an email about the change, stating simply that teens would be able to create their own MyChart accounts for access to their records, but saying nothing about revocation of access for parents.

So who made the decision? To whom do we appeal? The Saint Francis website isn't very helpful, but it does include a list of the Board of Trustees and Board of Directors.

Board of Trustees

• William K. Warren, Jr.
• The Most Reverend David A. Konderla
• John-Kelly Warren
• Judy Kishner
• Jeff Smith

Board of Directors

• John-Kelly C. Warren, Chairman
• Judy Kishner, Vice-Chair
• Mike Case
• Mike Cooke, J.D.
• Ashley Gable, M.D.
• Jake Henry Jr.
• Rev. Gary Kastl
• William R. Lissau
• Charles McEntee, M.D.

Bishop Konderla is the bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Tulsa and Eastern Oklahoma. In his pastoral letter, "God Builds a House," Bishop Konderla names "Strengthing the Family and the Domestic Church" as the first of three priorities for the diocese.

The family is the foundation of all human society and is currently threatened by forces that could destroy or deform its nature and mission. While assisted by schools and parish programs, parents are irreplaceable as the primary educators of their children.

In light of that eloquent statement, I would expect Bishop Konderla to object to any effort to alienate children from their parents by blocking access to information that parents would need to guide their children on the path of life. So I emailed the bishop at the address on his webpage (bp.d.konderla AT dioceseoftulsa DOT org) in hopes that he would help reverse this policy.

Dear Bishop Konderla,

I am writing to you in your role as a trustee of the Saint Francis Health System to ask for your help regarding a policy change that undermines a parent's God-given responsibility to keep watch over their children, both body and soul, a policy change that will be used by teenagers to conceal sexual activity, abortion, drug use, and gender transition from their fathers and mothers.

Yesterday, parents of teenagers across northeastern Oklahoma were notified by Saint Francis Health System that as of June 15, 2021, they would no longer have full access to their children's medical records, but they would have to receive their 13- to 17-year-old children's consent to continue this access. The notification, sent through the MyChart online medical records website, is attached.

The anonymous message claims that "Oklahoma law allow [sic] minors to consent to certain treatment and, in some circumstances, control related health information." The message does not cite the relevant statutes. There is no signature, no indication of the person or board authorizing this change, no opportunity for parents to object. Parents are directed to "contact their teen's primary care provider office for questions or additional information."

I suspect that this change is being driven by administrators who are not in accord with Christian teaching, whose ethics have been formed by the Sexual Revolution, who believe that children should be free to experiment with sex, gender identity, and intoxicating substances free from the oppressive oversight of Mom and Dad. Parents already must contend with educational, mass media, and social media forces who want to alienate children from their parents; a Christian medical network should not add to that burden.

Certainly there will be situations in which a parent should not have access to his or her child's medical records at any age, e.g. where a child has been removed from a parent's custody for abuse or neglect. But surely the default should be access, with steps taken to remove access only in exceptional circumstances.

I urge you to exercise your spiritual authority as bishop and your corporate authority as trustee, for the sake of Oklahoma families, to identify those who are responsible for this policy and to seek a reversal of it.

Yours sincerely,

Michael D. Bates
Tulsa, Oklahoma

Increasingly, the idea of the family is under attack from both government and private institutions, who prefer to treat people as autonomous, atomized individuals, a world in which all interpersonal relationships are temporary, contingent, and negotiable. HIPAA means my wife and I have to file paperwork at every office and clinic to ensure that we can deal with every medical issue as a family; the default assumption is that we want to hide things from each other. FERPA means that Mom and Dad are expected to pay for college, but aren't entitled to know if Darling Son or Darling Daughter are keeping up with their studies.

Government and society used to assume that, unless proven otherwise, parents are loving and competent and therefore ought to direct their dependent child's medical and educational path, which requires being fully informed. Laws like HIPAA and FERPA assume that Mom and Dad are tyrannical or nincompoops or both and must be kept at bay to enable a young person to flourish. There are, of course, exceptional cases, where an abusive parent has had parental rights terminated or where a child has been placed in foster care because of abuse or neglect, but public and corporate policy increasingly treats these situations as the default; enabling normal parental involvement requires extra steps to be taken.

To expand on something I wrote in my letter to Bp. Konderla, the impetus behind this appears to trace back to the Sexual Revolution and the Psychodelic Sixties, the idea that a person's true self can only emerge through sexual and chemical experimentation. Societal restraints on this experimentation, such as guilt or embarrassment a child might feel if parents were aware of what the child is doing, are oppressive, so schools and doctors must provide cover to enable children true freedom to experiment. Accordingly, these same people believe it necessary that any negative medical or psychological consequences must be addressed privately, hidden from parental scrutiny. What a contrast to the traditional approach, in which societal institutions recognized the value of sexual continence and sobriety, joined with parents in proclaiming the dangers of sexual and chemical experimentation, and cooperated with parents to reduce opportunities for experimentation, and shame, guilt, and embarrassment served as powerful deterrents to foolish behavior.

During the Great Depression, the Federal Works Progress Administration (WPA) and Oklahoma Tax Commission (OTC) commissioned a series of maps in 1936 to document land ownership and taxable value. An example of the maps are shown above. Each map covers a Public Land Survey System (PLSS) township (6 miles by 6 miles, divided into 36 square-mile sections). Approximately 2,300 maps cover the entire state.

Municipalities are marked with heavy shaded boundaries; note that Turley, Dawson, and Alsuma are all still independent, while Red Fork had been recently annexed by Tulsa. Tax-exempt properties are marked with a diagonal cross; if the listed owner is a person's name, it's likely a tribal allotment. If taxable, two numbers are listed: L (land value) and I (improvements value). Areas without valuation may be platted subdivisions -- I notice a bunch of them along US 66 in east Tulsa: Glenhaven, Plain View Heights, Radio Heights, Romoland, Lynn Lane Drive, Indian Hills. Interesting to see some prominent names -- Kennedy and Gilcrease in SE Osage County, L. S. Robson and C. S. Avery in what's now east Tulsa, Waite Phillips around Southern Hills, Charles Page and the Sand Springs Home around Sand Springs, Mullendore in Osage and Washington counties.

Some of the Tulsa County maps include part of Osage County. The township, range, and section grid for the Osage Reservation is offset from the rest of the state. It is shifted about 1/4 mile south and 1/2 mile east of the rest of the state.

On maps of T19N townships, there is a heavy-dashed east-west line about 1/8 mile south and parallel to the N edge of the boundary. This is the Creek/Cherokee boundary, which continues west as the Osage/Creek boundary and then the southern boundary of the Cherokee Outlet. East of Lewis Ave in Tulsa this line is Admiral Place, while Archer Ave is the section and township line. You may have noticed that it's farther from Pine to Admiral than from Admiral to 11th Street -- that's why.

Browsing through one of the Osage County maps, covering an area west of Hominy that included Boston Pool, I discovered the location of 200 acres of land that my great-grandfather had owned in 1936, which led me to do more research at the Osage County Clerk's office back in February 2017.

The Tulsa County General Highway Map, Sheet 2, from 1937, shows Tulsa, Sand Springs, Turley, Dawson, and Red Fork, T20N R12E, T19N R11E, T19N R12E, which will provide some context for the WPA maps.

OSU's Oklahoma Digital Map Collection has the entire collection of WPA land maps for Oklahoma online.

BREAKING: After typing up this entry, I just discovered that someone has created a interactive, georeferenced mosaic of all the Oklahoma WPA maps, which also allows you to download maps of interest. This will be useful for locating lost and drowned municipalities, like Keystone, Antwine, Lugert, Centralia, and Hochatown. You can adjust the transparency of the WPA maps, allowing you to overlay it on a present-day satellite view.

Here are the Tulsa County maps, starting at the north end of the county and working west to east in rows.

• T22N R12E (126th St N to 186th St N; 81st West Ave to Peoria, far north Tulsa County and part of Osage County around Skiatook)
• T22N R13E (126th St N to 186th St N; Peoria to Mingo, far north Tulsa County between Skiatook and Collinsville)
• T22N R14E (126th St N to 186th St N; Mingo to 193rd East Ave, far north Tulsa County around Collinsville)


• T21N R12E (66th St N to 126th St N; 81st St West to Peoria; Sperry and vicinity)
• T21N R13E (66th St N to 126th St N; Peoria to Mingo; between Sperry and Owasso)
• T21N R14E (66th St N to 126th St N; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; Owasso and vicinity)


• T20N R12E (Archer to 66th St N; 81st West Ave to Peoria; southeast Osage County, north Tulsa, Turley)
• T20N R13E (Archer to 66th St N; Peoria to Mingo; north Tulsa, Dawson, Mohawk Park, airport)
• T20N R14E (Archer to 66th St N; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; northeast Tulsa)


• T19N R10E (Edison to 61st St S; 273rd West Ave to 177th West Ave; far west Tulsa County)
• T19N R11E (Edison to 61st St S; 177th West Ave to 81st West Ave; Sand Springs, Prattville, and vicinity)
• T19N R12E (Edison to 61st St S; 81st West Ave to Peoria; west Tulsa, Red Fork, Sand Springs, Berryhill; heavy dashed line is the Cherokee/Creek & Osage/Creek boundary)
• T19N R13E (Archer to 61st St S; Peoria to Mingo; midtown Tulsa; heavy dashed line is the Cherokee/Creek boundary at Admiral Place)
• T19N R14E (Archer to 61st St S; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; east Tulsa; heavy dashed line is the Cherokee/Creek boundary at Admiral Place)


• T18N R12E (61st St S to 121 St S; 33rd West Ave to Peoria; southwest Tulsa in Jenks school district, west Jenks)
• T18N R13E (61st St S to 121 St S; Peoria to Mingo; Jenks, south Tulsa, north Bixby)
• T18N R14E (61st St S to 121 St S; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; Broken Arrow, Union and vicinity)


• T17N R12E (121st St S to 181 St S; 33rd West Ave to Peoria; Glenpool and vicinity)
• T17N R13E (121st St S to 181 St S; Peoria to Mingo; Bixby and vicinity)
• T17N R14E (121st St S to 181 St S; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; Wealaka (Leonard) and vicinity, south Broken Arrow)


• T16N R12E (181st St S to 241 St S; 81st West Ave to Peoria; south Tulsa County, north Okmulgee County)
• T16N R13E (181st St S to 241 St S; Peoria to Mingo; south Tulsa County, north Okmulgee County)
• T16N R14E (181st St S to 241 St S; Mingo to 193rd East Ave; south Tulsa County, north Okmulgee County)

As we approach the centennial commemoration of the Tulsa Race Massacre at the end of this month, I was curious to look through contemporaneous records to learn more about the times in which it occurred.

On page 6 of the May 1, 1921, edition of the Tulsa Sunday World, there's a story about a $473,600 lawsuit brought by jewelry store owner Moescha Rosenberg against Sinclair Oil and Gas, owners of the building in which his store was located. On March 15, 1918, Rosenberg entered into a 10-year-lease for retail space on the northwest corner of the building, sitting right on the highly visible southeast corner of 5th and Main in downtown Tulsa, at the junction of two streetcar lines. His rent was $400 a month. According to 1919 and 1921 city directories, the shop was called Montrose Jewelry Company, located at 2 East 5th Street. Ads for the store, sometimes called "Montrose of New York" or "The Montrose Shop," appeared often in the papers, particularly in the run-up to Christmas.

According to Rosenberg, not long after he leased the space, Sinclair employees began harassing him to get him to leave. First, a company official, C. E. Crawley, "offered to buy his stock if he would give up his lease. When he refused he says that the company made threats to add two stories to the building and permanently close up the entrance which he was using." Then Sinclair employees cut the lights to the store at night, and he lost his insurance policy, which required the lights to be on all night, and that forced him to operate without insurance. After an automobile crashed into the shop window, Sinclair boarded it up and refused to replace it with new glass, and refused to let him put in "sectional glass." When Rosenberg put a sign on the boards saying that he was still open for business, the building superintendent tore it down. When Rosenberg hired two clerks to work for him, Sinclair claimed that he was subletting the space in violation of his lease and sought a court order to evict him; Rosenberg got an injunction to get the company to leave him alone. Finally, about two months earlier (late March 1921), he gave up, dismantled his store fixtures (worth $16,000), liquidated his stock at a loss of $75,000, and then vacated with seven years remaining on his lease. Rosenberg's lawsuit demand for compensation included his estimated $50,000 per year income on the remainder of his lease. Rosenberg claimed that the space would now have a rent of $2,000 per month. (The city directory for the following year, 1922, shows the Suzanne Shop, milliners, in the space at 2 East 5th.)

The situation has the appearance of a landlord trying to force out a tenant in hopes of either charging higher rents or providing a prime location to a better-connected tenant or both.

Rosenberg's case went all the way to the Oklahoma Supreme Court. The details of the case are not available online, and the ruling is terse, but it appears that Rosenberg prevailed in District Court, Sinclair appealed to the Supreme Court, and Rosenberg failed to file an answer to the appeal. The Supreme Court reversed the trial court and remanded the case "with directions to sustain [Sinclair's] demurrer to the petition." I was unable to find a newspaper story on the final disposition, but it appears that Rosenberg's cause was lost. The case has an entry in Pacific Reporter, Vol. 219, p. 650.

Moescha Rosenberg seems to have been quite a flamboyant businessman. When he was ready to close his shop in Glen Cove, Long Island, in preparation for a move to Tulsa, he placed an ad in the local paper threatening to publish the names of all the customers who had outstanding debts with the store. The story hit the wire services and was published all over the country. From the Long Beach Telegram, December 6, 1917.

IT PAYS TO ADVERTISE
Jeweler Collects All His Debts With One Piece in Paper

(Glen Cove, L. I., Cor. New York Times).

Moescha Rosenberg's advertisement in the local paper had its desired effect. He threatened to print today a list of those who owed him money and would not pay. All week and right up to press time Rosenberg was kept busy receipting old bills, and now he says that there is not a resident of this village who owes him a cent. Rosenberg is a jeweler and is closing up his store. Several thousand dollars was due him, and he wanted it before he left town. So he put in the advertisement in which he said: "I shall publish the name and exact address and vocation of each of the aforementioned deadbeats, giving in my usual style a psychological treatise of their character and make-up. The paper goes to press at 10:30 a m., and all who are anxious to have their characters defined in print should not settle their accounts before that time."

Immediately creditors began to appear and pay their bills. Men who had bought engagement rings on credit and others who had purchased presents that they did not care to have published, all paid up promptly, and the jeweler was happy. So today Rosenberg, published an advertisement on "Soiled Linen," in which he said: "There are those who firmly believe that there is no wrong that could not be corrected. That it all depends on the laundry. Some linen must be badly soiled, but all can be cleansed. It depends on how hard one rubs. We are glad to state that not one dollar that was owing to us last week is unpaid today. We do not want to congratulate our friends who paid up, but, rather, ourselves, as good, hard-rubbing launderers."

On December 11, 1917, the Brooklyn Daily Times reported that Rosenberg was leaving the jewelry business to become a pig rancher near Tulsa. I suspect he was joking, perhaps to suggest that he'd be happier dealing with pigs than his deadbeat Long Island customers.

The ex-jeweler who had stores also in Southampton and in Manhattan has disposed of all his business and abandoned his former vocation to conduct a pig ranch which he purchased near the city of Tulsa.

Three months later he had a 10-year lease on a prime space in a new shopping district at the south edge of downtown -- 5th & Main. He first appears in the city directory in 1919, living in rooms at 1408 S. Perryman Ave. Perryman Ave., named for the Muscogee Creek family whose ranch covered much of modern-day Tulsa, ran from 13th Street to 15th Street, and was renamed Carthage Ave. circa 1920 to conform to the city's new alphabetical street name system.

Soon thereafter, on March 16, 1919, Rosenberg, 43, had married Julia Goodman (née Finston), 29. Officiants were Rabbis Morris Teller and M. Himelstein, and the congregation was specified only as "Jewish Faith." At the beginning of 1920, according to census records, the couple lived at 1326 Perryman Avenue, in a building with three other families. On February 26, 1920, they had a son, Arthur Leonard Rosenberg, about whom more later. A 1920 city directory shows the family at 1436 S. Norfolk Ave., in an area demolished in the 1970s for part of the southeast interchange of the Inner Dispersal Loop -- a part that was never built. A daughter, Edna, was born to the couple in 1922. The 1923 city directory shows Mrs Julia Rosenberg at 1432 S. Norfolk, but no Moescha. Moescha's Miami obituary indicates that this is when he moved to Florida. 1436 S. Norfolk Ave. (Lot 2, Block 13, Broadmoor Addition) was purchased by Julia Rosenberg on February 12, 1920, and sold by her to Jacob Rosenberg on April 9, 1923.

In the 1930 census, the whole family turns up in Manhasset, North Hempstead, Long Island. By 1931, Moescha is in the papers again, but now in North Miami, having been robbed by three bandits of $100,000 in jewelry ($37,450 wholesale). His name turned up from time to time in newspapers for Florida's Jewish community. On November 6, 1931, the Jacobean reported that Moescha Rosenberg had returned from Manhasset to his home and had announced the opening of a new jewelry store on Lincoln Road in Miami Beach. In 1935, for Sukkoth (Feast of Booths or Tabernacles), Moescha invited up to a dozen men a day to come to the booth he set up at his home at 1728 Lenox Ave., Miami Beach, to converse with Rabbi Dr. Jacob H. Kaplan "the problems of modern life, such as the invited guest may suggest."

The 1935 Tulsa City Directory places Mrs. Julia Rosenberg once again at 1432 S. Norfolk Ave., with Beulah Cooper occupying the rear of the property (identified elsewhere in the directory as a maid, presumably occupying servants' quarters over the garage), and Mrs. Rose Finston (widow of Julia's brother Mark Finston, who was an executive with Bell Oil & Gas Co.) across the street at 1443 S. Norfolk. Someone named E. Frank Pumphrey lived at 1432 in 1934. Property records show that Rose Finston sold Lot 1, Block 13, Broadmoor Addition to Julia Rosenberg in 1937, who sold it on to Alice Osborn Cain in 1941. The lot had been in the Finston family since 1919. The State of Oklahoma purchased it in 1971 from R. G. & Lena Goodman for the never-built Riverside Expressway connection to the Inner Dispersal Loop.

Court records show that Moescha and Julia were divorced in Miami in 1935. He died on November 16, 1939. From the next day's edition of the Miami Daily News:

MOESCHA ROSENBERG

Funeral services were conducted at 10 a. m. today in the Miami Jewish funeral home by Rabbi Abraham Kellner for Moescha Rosenberg, 74, retired diamond merchant, 1728 Lenox Ave., Miami Beach, who died yesterday. He came to Miami 16 years ago from Tulsa, where he is survived by a son and daughter. Burial was in Woodlawn Park cemetery.

At some point, Julia and the children made their way back to Tulsa, where young Leonard attended Central High School, studied under legendary speech and drama teacher Isabelle Ronan (who also taught Paul Harvey), and graduated in 1937. (That's his senior yearbook photo on the right.) Julia, Leonard, and Edna were at 5 Riverside Drive, New York City, in the 1940 census, at the start of Leonard's long and successful career on Broadway and in radio, film, and television. You might remember him from The Odd Couple or Will Success Spoil Rock Hunter? under his stage name, Tony Randall.

The Sinclair Building is in the news again. Having languished for several years under absentee ownership, the Ross Group is renovating it as apartments and retail space. Perhaps they will find a way to commemorate the first tenant of that coveted corner space (and his better-known son).

MORE: "Love, Lennie," a 2016 article in This Land Press by Charles Morrow: A brief biography of Leonard Rosenberg, aka Tony Randall, with a special focus on his Tulsa years and his later TV series, "Love, Sidney." The author's father had been a Central class of '37 classmate of Lennie, as he was known then: "When I asked Dad if they'd been friends, he frowned. 'No, he didn't talk to anybody. He was a snob.'"

TulsaTVMemories has several reminiscences of Tony Randall and his later visits to Tulsa. He spoke at the 1975 dedication of New Kendall Hall, having just learned earlier in the day that his childhood home had been demolished for an expressway. His driver that day, Edwin Fincher, recalls, "He was crushed, then cried, then cursed. He vowed to never come back again & made a horrible scene - live - during his speech on 'progress' in his old hometown, reading the original speech as it was written, but inserting 'remarks'."

House Bill 1775 (2021), signed into law earlier this week by Gov. Kevin Stitt, takes up a grand total of four sheets of paper. The substance of the bill occupies a mere page and a third, 282 words by my count. So it's frustrating, if not surprising, that the Tulsa Whirled and broadcast media outlets should mischaracterize the bill, when they could easily quote the entire text. (Here's all the info on HB 1775, including earlier versions, amendments, and legislative votes.)

Although HB 1775 targets the infiltration of Critical Race Theory (CRT) into our taxpayer-funded schools and universities, it does not use that phrase. Instead, it prohibits specific racist and sexist ideas from being taught. There are two subsections of what will become 70 O. S. 24-157. Subsection A deals with state universities, requiring the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education to promulgate rules, subject to legislative approval, to enforce the following law:

No enrolled student of an institution of higher education within The Oklahoma State System of Higher Education shall be required to engage in any form of mandatory gender or sexual diversity training or counseling; provided, voluntary counseling shall not be prohibited. Any orientation or requirement that presents any form of race or sex stereotyping or a bias on the basis of race or sex shall be prohibited.

Subsection B deals with K-12 schools, and the State Board of Education is assigned to enforce it:

The provisions of this subsection shall not prohibit the teaching of concepts that align to the Oklahoma Academic Standards.

1. No teacher, administrator or other employee of a school district, charter school or virtual charter school shall require or make part of a course the following concepts:

1. one race or sex is inherently superior to another race or sex,
2. an individual, by virtue of his or her race or sex, is inherently racist, sexist or oppressive, whether consciously or unconsciously,
3. an individual should be discriminated against or receive adverse treatment solely or partly because of his or her race or sex,
4. members of one race or sex cannot and should not attempt to treat others without respect to race or sex,
5. an individual's moral character is necessarily determined by his or her race or sex,
6. an individual, by virtue of his or her race or sex, bears responsibility for actions committed in the past by other members of the same race or sex,
7. any individual should feel discomfort, guilt, anguish or any other form of psychological distress on account of his or her race or sex, or
8. meritocracy or traits such as a hard work ethic are racist or sexist or were created by members of a particular race to oppress members of another race.

Who would defend any of the ideas listed above? And yet these very ideas are being incorporated into school curricula (as well as corporate training) across America and throughout the Anglosphere. If we had a mainstream media worthy of our attention, they would be asking critics of HB 1775 to read the above list and indicate which of the ideas they endorse teaching to school children.

(Christopher Rufo has been tireless in documenting the spread of "woke" education and now is turning his attention to "woke" corporate indoctrination with an exposé of Disney's racist diversity and inclusion program. Rufo's coverage of CRT in the Federal Government led to President Trump's executive order banning racist dogma.)

Many critics of HB 1775 selectively quote subparagraph B.1.g. as prohibiting the teaching of any historical event that might make a student feel uncomfortable, for example, the Trail of Tears, the Tulsa Race Massacre, lynching, or Jim Crow laws. A change in wording ("ought to feel" or "is obliged to feel" instead of "should feel") might have avoided the easy distortion, but the language is clear enough to the careful reader. The bill bans teaching that "any individual should feel discomfort, guilt, anguish or any other form of psychological distress on account of his or her race or sex" (emphasis added). That last phrase has been utterly ignored by the mainstream media. A student ought to feel sad or angry when learning that a mob of white people descended on a black community, shot people and looted and burned their homes and businesses, but a person in academic authority over them, funded by Oklahoma taxpayers, should not tell the student that he should feel personally guilty because he has skin color in common with those responsible for these evil deeds.

Note the reference to Oklahoma Academic Standards, which I have hyperlinked above. The current Social Studies standards, last updated in 2019. HB 1775 explicitly allows the topics in these standards to be taught, notwithstanding anything else in the bill. All of the historical subjects that critics have claimed will be suppressed are in fact included, for example:

OKH.1.3 Compare the goals and significance of early Spanish, French, and American interactions with American Indians, including trade,the impact of disease, the arrival of the horse,and new technologies.

OKH.1.4 Compare cultural perspectives of American Indians and European Americans regarding land ownership, structure of self-government, religion, and trading practices.

OKH.2.3 Analyze the motivations for removal of American Indians and the passage of the Indian Removal Act of 1830; trace the forced removal of American Indian nations, including the impact on the tribal nations removed to present-day Oklahoma and tribal resistance to the forced relocation

OKH.3.1 Summarize the impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction Treaties on American Indian peoples, territories, and tribal sovereignty including:

1. required enrollment of the Freedmen
2. Second Indian Removal
3. significance of the Massacre at the Washita
4. reasons for the reservation system and the controversy regarding the reservation system as opposed to tribal lands.
5. establishment of the western military posts including the role of the Buffalo Soldiers
6. construction of railroads through Indian Territory

OKH.3.4 Compare multiple points of view to evaluate the impact of the Dawes Act (General Allotment Act) which resulted in the loss of tribal communal lands through a transfer to individual property and the redistribution of lands, including the Unassigned Lands and the Cherokee Outlet, by various means.

OKH.3.5 Explain how American Indian nations lost control over tribal identity and citizenship through congressional action, including the Indian Reorganization Act.

OKH.5.1 Examine the policies of the United States and their effects on American Indian identity, culture, economy, tribal government and sovereignty including:

1. passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924
2. effects of the federal policy of assimilation including Indian boarding schools (1880s-1940s)
3. authority to select tribal leaders as opposed to appointment by the federal government
4. exploitation of American Indian resources, lands, trust accounts, head rights, and guardianship as required by the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

OKH.5.2 Examine multiple points of view regarding the evolution of race relations in Oklahoma, including:

1. growth of all-black towns (1865-1920)
2. passage of Senate Bill 1 establishing Jim Crow Laws
3. rise of the Ku Klux Klan
4. emergence of "Black Wall Street" in the Greenwood District
5. causes of the Tulsa Race Riot and its continued social and economic impact
6. the role labels play in understanding historic events, for example "riot" versus "massacre"

Those are just the Oklahoma History standards. The standards for U. S. History demand more depth and nationwide scope on slavery, Reconstruction, Jim Crow, Indian removal, and other topics that don't paint the United States in a positive light. (In fact, the U. S. History standards as a whole seem unbalanced to the negative; the State Board of Education ought to undertake a review.)

The hair-on-fire reactions to HB 1775 from educrats and leftist politicians fail to engage the substance of the bill, setting up strawmen that are easily demolished.

Now Phil Armstrong, the Project Director for the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial Commission, has sent a letter to Governor Kevin Stitt claiming that his signing of HB 1775 amounts to submitting his resignation from the commission. (Gov. Mary Fallin was given an ex officio seat when the commission was created, as was Lt. Gov. Todd Lamb; these were handed down to the present incumbents when Fallin and Lamb left office in January 2019.) Despite the official sounding name, I can't find any statute or ordinance creating the commission, which appears, from the cast of characters, to be a cog in what Michael Mason has dubbed "the Kaiser System" -- the network of organizations and initiatives tied to billionaire philanthropist George Kaiser.

The Governor's office responded:

Governor Stitt and the First Lady both strongly support reconciliation, healing and the rebirth of Tulsa's Greenwood District, and have worked with the 1921 Race Massacre Centennial Commission on multiple productive events.

While it has become clear that Mr. Armstrong does not speak for the entire Centennial Commission, it is disappointing that some commission members feel that a common-sense law preventing students from being taught that one race or sex is superior to another is contrary to the mission of reconciliation and restoration.

Governor Stitt issued Executive Order 2021-12 as a signing statement to expressly direct that the Tulsa Race Massacre, and all historical events included in the Oklahoma Academic Standards, must still be taught in our schools. The governor believes that any other interpretation of this legislation is misguided and fundamentally inaccurate, and that position was expressed to the Centennial Commission before the bill was signed into law.

America has made great progress over the last century toward an America in which a person's race and sex are no impediment to the full enjoyment of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness. Whatever racism or sexism may lurk in stony human hearts, laws and regulations enforcing racism and sexism have been swept away. And yet the Left continues to seek access to our children to sow mutual suspicion and division. Despite massive Republican supermajorities in the legislature, Leftists claim the right to run our taxpayer-funded schools and universities. HB 1775 is a welcome first step in ordinary Oklahomans reasserting democratic control of state institutions of cultural formation.

MORE: Don't miss BatesLine's collection of stories, maps, and images on the history of Tulsa's Greenwood District, Black Wall Street, after the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre.

Nigel Farage, described as the most consequential British politician of our time for his leadership of Brexit, the successful, 27-year effort to extricate the United Kingdom from the regulatory chains of the European Union, will be speaking in Tulsa on Thursday, May 13, 2021, at 6:30 p.m. The visit is part of America's Comeback Tour, a cross-country series of events organized by FreedomWorks. Farage's Tulsa appearance is being presented in conjunction with the Tulsa 912 Project, a grassroots group that grew out of the Tea Party movement. Tickets are free, but seats must be reserved in advance through Eventbrite.

Dercy Teixeira, grassroots coordinator for FreedomWorks, says that the group invited Farage to deliver a positive message that will re-energize the conservative grassroots across America. "A lot of conservatives are feeling disillusioned, thinking 'What's the point?' We're bringing on Nigel to tell them you can't give up now. Maybe we're down in the first half, but we have the second half still ahead of us, especially with the midterms coming, and then the 2024 presidential election." America's Comeback Tour draws on the sports analogy of rallying at half-time for a come-from-behind victory in the second half.

Teixeira sees similarities between America's Tea Party movement and the Brexit movement in the UK, each starting from little pockets of the grassroots frustrated with the political status quo. The British political establishment dismissed the Brexit movement and Farage, its most visible figure, as worthy only of ridicule, but through positive messages, Farage and his colleagues were able to keep activists motivated, pressuring the politicians toward the UK's formal departure from the EU on January 31, 2020.

As someone who closely followed the long march of Brexit and toasted its realization with a pint at our local English pub, I am delighted that Nigel Farage will be coming to speak here in Tulsa. His example of cheerful perseverance in the face of ridicule, attacks, and hostility from the political and media establishment to accomplish this nation-shaping goal is the encouragement that American conservatives need right now.

The Brexit story began when Conservative PM John Major signed the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, which set what had been a free-trade community on a trajectory to become a centralized, bureaucratized European super-state that would extinguish British sovereignty and self-government. In response, Farage joined with others to found the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) to push for UK withdrawal from the EU. The party's presence and early successes pressured the major parties to keep Britain out of some of the worst aspects of European integration, like the Euro single currency and the borderless Schengen Area.

Farage led UKIP to victory in the 2014 European Parliament elections, the first time a new party had won a national election in over a century. The result that pushed the Conservative Party to promise in the 2015 General Election to give the British people a referendum on leaving the European Union. Although the political and media establishment were united in support of remaining in the EU, Farage's pro-Leave forces were victorious in the 2016 Brexit referendum. But it soon became clear that Teresa May's Conservative Party government intended to deliver a Brexit in name only that would forever shackle the UK to European regulation. In response, Farage founded the Brexit Party, which won the 2019 European Parliament election less than six months after its establishment, leading to May's resignation, an early general election, and a relatively clean break with the EU in January 2020.

Farage's Brexit Party succeeded by adopting new methods of grassroots organization, communication, and mobilization geared to the Digital Age. Rallies across the country, streamed over social media, drew growing crowds and amplified enthusiasm. The party reached across old party lines to unite around a common cause. I found the rallies compelling listening, as the party's candidates for Member of the European Parliament (MEP), most of whom had no political background, talked about why Brexit mattered to them, their professions, and their communities. Each rally was capped with a rousing speech from Farage that never failed to bring the crowd to its feet. (MORE: See the bottom of this entry for a couple of examples of Farage's rousing speeches in front of audiences both friendly and frosty.)

Teixeira described Farage as "a perfect ambassador" for FreedomWorks, an organization that empowers grassroots activists to impact politics. "Many world figures appear personable on screen, but Nigel actually likes interacting with people," going pub-to-pub during his campaigns to interact directly with voters.

In this video from the start of the tour in Florida, Nigel Farage explains what he hopes to accomplish as he travels across America:

Also speaking at the Tulsa event will be FreedomWorks Director of Policy Sarah Anderson, and John Tamny, FreedomWorks VP and Director of FreedomWorks' Center for Economic Freedom. Tamny is author of the recent book, When Politicians Panicked: The New Coronavirus, Expert Opinion, and a Tragic Lapse of Reason, about the economic devastation wrought not by COVID-19, but by the political overreaction to it.

In addition to his visit to Tulsa, Farage will speak in Perrysville, Ohio, Palm Beach, Chicago, Milwaukee, Grand Rapids, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Dallas, San Antonio, Phoenix, and Jackson, Wyoming. Tulsa is the only Oklahoma stop on America's Comeback Tour.

MORE:

After the jump, some videos showing Farage's geniality and humor, both in the face of hostility (his final speech as an MEP before Britain's formal departure from the EU) and surrounded by supporters (at a Brexit Party rally).

AFTER-ACTION REVIEW: All items on the regular council meeting agenda were approved without dissent. There was only one controversy: Gary Brinkner, vice chairman of the Greenwood Chamber of Commerce, objected to special event application for the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival, which would block off Greenwood and Archer for three days, May 28-30. Tiffany Crutcher is listed as the head of the event; Shannon White of the Gathering Place is listed as the applicant, and the Gathering Place is listed as the billing contact. According to Brinkner, the event would conflict with Greenwood Centennial Market Place Showcase, the family-friendly commemoration planned by the GCC, which owns the historic buildings in the block north of Archer on Greenwood, buildings that were rebuilt after the 1921 massacre and saved from the urban renewal wrecking ball. Brinkner and other commenters expressed concern about alcohol at the event and mentioned threats of destruction to businesses. The controversy appears to be that GCC wants to keep the festival north of I-244, leaving the area in front of the businesses free for the business owners' plans. I gather that the Black Wall Street Legacy Festival had already been permitted for north of the expressway. Ultimately, it seems to be a conflict between those who primarily see Greenwood as a present-day place of business and those who see it primarily as a symbol.

The Tulsa City Council will conduct a public hearing at their regular meeting on Wednesday, May 5, 2021, regarding a Tax Increment Finance (TIF) district intended to facilitate mixed-use development in north Tulsa. The proposed district is undeveloped land along the south side of 36th Street North, east and west of Martin Luther King, Junior, Boulevard. The TIF district would capture the city's undedicated share of sales taxes (2 cents on the dollar) to facilitate development in accordance with the 36th Street North Small Area Plan. Alfresco Group LLC owns the land; Antoine Harris is the registered agent. There will be a second public hearing and second reading (vote on final approval) on May 19, 2021.

The TIF project plan mentions commercial, retail, multifamily residential, and boutique hotel development. The funds generated by the TIF will be managed by the Tulsa Authority for Economic Opportunity (TAEO), the former Tulsa Industrial Authority, which was renamed in March.

The City Council will also vote on whether to approve $25 million in TAEO revenue bonds, borrowed against TIF funds from the Santa Fe Square District (in the old Santa Fe freight yards, in the Blue Dome district between 1st and 2nd, Elgin and Greenwood). The proposal waives competitive bidding on the bonds, which would be sold to KeyBanc Capital Markets, Inc., of Cleveland, Ohio.

The meeting will be conducted via videoconferencing and will be streamed on TGOV (Cox Cable 24), the Tulsa City Council's Facebook page and tgovonline.org. Public comments on most agenda items must be submitted by 5 p.m. the day before the meeting, but the public may participate directly in public hearing items, such as the TIF district mentioned above:

Public comments must be submitted no later than 5:00 p.m. on the Tuesday immediately before the Council's regular Wednesday meeting or they will not be included as part of the Council's meeting. In the case of a Public Hearing, comments will be taken at the meeting. Members of the public who prefer to submit comments remotely during the Public Hearing for Agenda item 3.a may do so via videoconferencing and teleconferencing by joining from a computer, tablet or smartphone, using the following link https://global.gotomeeting.com/join/849295021 or by dialing in by using their phone by dialing United States: (646) 749-3131 Participants must then enter the following Access Code: 849-295-021.

More from the regular meeting agenda and the committee agendas after the jump:

In a social media post last Wednesday, Tulsa City Council chairman Vanessa Hall Harper labeled U. S. Sen Tim Scott (R-South Carolina) with a racist slur. As of this writing, Hall Harper has yet to retract or apologize for the slur, which remains posted on her personal Facebook profile, accessible to anyone on or off Facebook.

Reacting to Sen. Scott's response to Joe Biden's address to a joint session of Congress last Wednesday, April 28, 2021, Hall Harper posted the picture above, paraphrasing a sentence from Scott's speech, followed by a single word reaction:

"America is not racist"....SAMBO!!!!

Sen. Scott delivered a slightly different line as part of the following passage of his speech:

When America comes together, we've made tremendous progress. But powerful forces want to pull us apart.

A hundred years ago, kids in classrooms were taught the color of their skin was their most important characteristic -- and if they looked a certain way, they were inferior.

Today, kids again are being taught that the color of their skin defines them -- and if they look a certain way, they're an oppressor.

From colleges to corporations to our culture, people are making money and gaining power by pretending we haven't made any progress. By doubling down on the divisions we've worked so hard to heal.

You know this stuff is wrong.

Hear me clearly: America is not a racist country.

It's backwards to fight discrimination with different discrimination.

And it's wrong to try to use our painful past to dishonestly shut down debates in the present.

The photo on the right in Hall Harper's post is Sen. Scott. A reverse image search links the image on the left to the homepage of black-face.com, where it is an illustration in a series of negative stereotypes of African Americans with the caption: "The Buck is a large Black man who is proud, sometimes menacing, and always interested in White women." A further reverse image search on Yandex.com suggests that it was based on the following 1907 poster, reversed and converted to grayscale:

That's African-American comedian, bandleader, and impresario Billy King (1875 - 1951). King wrote, produced, and directed musicals, and led a touring company called the Billy King Road Show, which evolved into the legendary Oklahoma City Blue Devils big band, which in turn spawned the Count Basie Orchestra.

Although Hall Harper did not elaborate on her remark, it could be inferred that she disapproved of Sen. Scott's speech, regarding him as a negative stereotype, a traitor to his race, inauthentic. The term "Sambo" traces back to the book The Story of Little Black Sambo by Helen Bannerman, originally a fable set in India, in which a boy outwits a group of tigers, who turn into ghee. Illustrations used for American editions of the book drew on negative stereotypes of African Americans, and the name Sambo itself became a derogatory term, even without the "Little Black" prefix.

(In 2020, in response to a petition drive, the original and last surviving location of the Sambo chain of pancake restaurants changed its name to Chad's. The chain used illustrations depicting the Sambo story with an Indian character. All but a few locations of the chain had dropped the name in the early 1980s. Tulsa had a Sambo's at 31st and Sandusky, which was converted to a Goldie's Patio Grill location decades ago. The Goldie's location, which retained many of the original Sambo's furnishings, closed with the pandemic in March 2020 and has not reopened since.)

Many more leftists on social media labeled Sen. Scott an "Uncle Tim," a play on his first name and the term "Uncle Tom," used over the last half century as a slur against African Americans who object to leftist social policies. So many people used the derogatory term that it became a trending topic on Twitter for nearly 12 hours until the social media platform was shamed into removing it.

Councilor Hall Harper has not yet, however, been shamed into removing her post about Sen. Scott. Her juxtaposition of photos of Billy King and Tim Scott inadvertently reinforces Scott's assertion of America's significant progress toward reconciliation and racial equality. Despite his great talents, King's career was limited by unjust discrimination, both official and unofficial. Today, the color of one's skin is no barrier to achieving the highest position in any field, whether as President of the United States, the billionaire head of a media conglomerate, a U. S. Senator from a state once known for slavery and discrimination, or even the chairman of the Tulsa City Council.